New Alliance Party - People's Daily World

The New Alliance Party; “cult-like” organization that disrupts and divides

By Romulo Fajardo

People’s Daily World May 19, 1988

The people’s movement has much at stake in defeating Reganite reaction in Nov. (1988). In many ways the election will be a referendum on Reaganism-its military buildup, anti-democratic conspiracies and contra wars. The most consistent democratic forces have concluded that unity is the only way to defeat the Reaganites.

At the fringes of the preparations for the coming battles of November is the New Alliance Party (NAP). Under a slogan “Two Roads are Better than One”, NAP, which claims to be “Black-led,” is fielding a presidential candidate and is projecting that it will place that candidate on the ballot in all 50 states.

But NAP’s strategy is not based on unity. Rather it is based on an attempt to create disunity. In an interview with New York’s Newsday, Lenora Fulani, NAP’s candidate for president, made their strategy clear. She stated they were attempting to emulate George Wallace’s 1968 presidential run that is siphon off enough votes to cost the Democrats the election. Put very simply, their plan is to win the election for Bush, thereby teaching the Democrats a lesson. Of course they never state that it won’t be the Democratic Party who pays for this lesson, it will be the American people.

The New Alliance Party has a murky past. A predecessor organization formed on Manhattan’s Upper West Side in the early ‘70’s under the guidance of Dr. Fred Newman, a philosophy PhD who earned his degree at Stanford University (NAP was founded by Fred Newman, a Stanford University PhD, whom the U.S. Air Force paid to write his 1965 treaties on mind control. – grant # AFOSR-529-65- Casey Peters, P&FP)
According to Newman’s own account, during the early ‘70’s he was associated closely with “Lyn Marcus”, who then paraded as a leftist and now is the neo-fascist Lyndon LaRouche. (Visit

Newman founded his own brand of therapy, in which individuals who suffer from depression are invited to take part in politics as therapy, always under the guidance of “professional care”. During the mid ‘70’s Newman’s formation approached political groups on the Upper West side, where they presented themselves as “the vanguard of the left.”

One member of a neighborhood group, which published a community newspaper, recalls the approach, which Newman’s “collective”, made to them around 1975

“At that time they were calling themselves the International Workers Party (IWP). IWP’s literature was a strange mix of Freudian psychological phraseology and references to themselves as the ‘vanguard’ of the political left. Other left groups were described as “liberal fascists,” said the West Sider, who prefers to remain anonymous.

Organizations and individuals who have dealt with the New Alliance Party, including former members, paint a picture of a cult-like organization concentrating foremost in the Black community. (And then concentrating on the Gay community in San Francisco’s Castro neighborhood in the early 90’s with a store- front apartment recruiting center for their “social therapy” gay outpatients, near the corner of Castro & 18 th St. for about 2 Its ultimate aim is hard to decipher, but its immediate result is to confuse, divide and discourage the progressive and people’s movement, especially that emerging in the nationally oppressed communities.

A series of stories have appeared in major and alternate newspapers in the past few years raising serious concerns about the NAP. One Afro-American newspaper, the Jackson Advocate of Jackson, Mississippi, was the target of an NAP lawsuit because it ran a series of articles linking Newman, NAP and LaRouche. The suit was thrown out of court in April.

In those stories, written by Ken Lawrence and the paper’s editor, Charles Tisdale, Newman’s assertions that his group’s associations with Lyndon LaRouche during the early ‘70’s were inconsequential are debunked. In fast, the Jackson Advocate points out, Newman was associated with LaRouche during the infamous “Operation Mop Up,” the organized series of physical attacks against the Communist Party and other left organizations in the early ‘70’s (including many non-partisan young students and other ant-war activists-see

“During those years.” Wrote Lawrence in 1985, “Both Newman and LaRouche linked up with an even more mysterious and secretive cult leader who calls himself Eugenio Parente. Because of the secrecy, Parente’s group doesn’t even have a name, but it is generally known by the name of its most effective umbrella front organization, the National Labor Federation (Natlfed).”

Internal NAP documents obtained by Manhattan’s Upper West Side weekly Heights and Valley News in 1977 detail the International Workers Party strategy of setting up a front group with two kinds of members: “cadres” (mainly whites belonging to the IWP) and “organic members,” meaning Black and Latinos belonging only to a formation such as NAP. Such a policy remains in effect today, a prominent former member and former NAP presidential candidate charges, and belies the group’s claim that it is “Black-led.”

That candidate was Dennis Serrette. Serrette had been a prominent Black trade unionist in New York who was attracted to the NAP by their claim to representing Black and Latino voters in New York City. Serette, who has since left the organization, now recalls that he was pressured into running as their presidential candidate.

In a statement circulated nationwide, Serrette denounces Newman and NAP as at best opportunists and at worst a cult with dangerous potential.

“Newman uses left rhetoric well, and organizes with a left front. He appeals to what is good and progressive in people, and uses that to build his base. He will as quickly embrace as he will attack a movement, a progressive, an organization, a principle-based on how he can best opportunize from it. He unflinchingly lies to his membership, almost all of whom have absolutely no history in the movement, and understand it exactly as Newman teaches.”

In New York, NAP has consistently attacked Black leaders such as Congressman Major Owens and state Assemblyman Roger Green.

Serrette likens the NAP to LaRouche’s methods.

“Like LaRouche’s National Caucus of Labor Committees, Newman runs a very tightly controlled organization. Like LaRouche, (most on paper) with divergent names; some to attract particular individuals, some solely to make money, many with names so similar to true left organizations that unknowing individuals are often fooled (i.e. Rainbow Alliance and Rainbow Lobby, which have no connection to Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition).”

Nap, which claims chapters in 22 cities and a membership of 30,000, has entered the 1988 presidential campaign in force. Its candidate, Lenora Fulani, who is also a therapist, jets back and forth from one end of the country to the other. Most recently, Fulani’s campaign received federal matching funds to the tune of $239,000(as of the first filing with the Federal Elections Commission).

When NAP ran Serrette in 1984, under the strategy now referred to as “Two Roads are Better than One.” They professed to support Jackson’s primary bid, but counted on him never getting the Democratic Party nomination. In that case, they argued, independents and dissatisfied Democrats would have only one choice: their candidate.

Sensing the impact of the Rev. Jesse Jackson’s bid for the Democratic Party nomination in 1984 in the South, they decided to deploy operatives from New York to that region. They chose Mississippi as a target.

Entrusted with the task was Emily Carter, a Newman ally for many years who ran for local office in New York under the NAP banner.

“They asked me to let them set up headquarters at my office and I refused,” says Jackson Advocate’s Tisdale. “Basically I felt the New Alliance Party was divisive and that they were seeking to run an independent presidential candidate, which means to me they decided to split the Black vote and make it less effective in uniting toward a candidate that would serve the purpose of the Black community. So I wouldn’t let them set up shop here and they took great umbrage at that and goy people from all over the country to call saying that I was some kind of fascist.”

NAP projected that at the end of that campaign they would have a membership of 30,000. However, the names of only a few authors appear in their weekly newspaper, the National Alliance, and many of their “offices” are homes of fellow therapists, or post office box numbers.

Significantly, many of the members they do get are drawn from the therapy practices they now have around the country. Serrette maintains that one condition of membership in the NAP is willingness to keep going to therapy and that NAP members are charged for the service.

To the NAP, misrepresentation is a standard practice. The similarities between the names of groups they form and existing legitimate organizations are no coincidence. For a long time many thought that the Rainbow Lobby had connections with Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition. Lately, the “Lobby,” which is headquartered in Washington, D.C. was obliged to put a disclaimer in fine print next to its name, stating that it has no association with Jackson’s organization.

Another example of misrepresentation is the NAP’s claim that Fulani is on the ballot in 50 states. In fact, most states do not open petition drives for independent candidates until the summer.

The National Alliance newspaper likes to portray the NAP as an organization with great support from established organizations and prominent individuals. For example, for many months, Vernon Bellecourt, the Native American activist, was prominently displayed with Fulani and in NAP-sponsored activities. Not mentioned was the fact that Bellecourt had been on the NAP payroll for some time. According to Federal Election Commission filings, Bellecourt was paid a total of $7,000 from October 3 to December 26, of 1987 as a “consultant” to the Fulani campaign. It was not until April 7 that he was identified as “a national spokesperson for the Fulani campaign” in a National Alliance story.

Another example dramatizes NAP’s tactics. After the NAP had printed stories insinuating that New Jewish Agenda agreed with many NAP policies and positions, that national group adopted a resolution blasting such tactics and denouncing NAP.

Behind this misrepresentation is a yearlong attempt by NAP to take over several chapters of New Jewish Agenda.

Nowhere has this struggle been as fierce as in the Manhattan chapter. Progressive Jewish activists there have had to contend with the NAP packing meetings and attempts to force their position on NJA. That NJA chapter passed a resolution stating that “it will not work, directly or indirectly, with NAP.”

“It is hard to imagine,” said a Manhattan chapter member of NJA, “why an organization whose main claim to fame recently has been singing the praises of Farrakhan takes such an interest in a progressive Jewish organization like the NJA. In fact, most of our members believe that you could not do a greater disservice.”

Although the NAP claims to be a “working-class party,” they are largely absent from the major struggles of the working-class. They have had no presence in the preparations for the June 11 peace demonstration, the labor-initiated May 14 American Family Celebration, the Jobs with Justice rallies or the struggles against racist violence led by New Yorkers for Racial and Social Justice. Their newspaper rarely even mentions these events.

Instead, their divisive activities appear to be centered on maintaining a high press profile and spreading their literature at demonstrations sponsored and organized by other groups and coalitions.

It is troublesome that a group with such a history of divisive tactics can still be believed by some to be part of the left. It is as if the history of LaRouche’s NCLC is repeating itself. Serrette warns about this:

“I wouldn’t be surprised of anything that this organization might do…I wouldn’t even be surprised if they’d turn from a so-called left organization to a right-wing organization with a blink of an eye.”

Attacking Blacks: No one safe from NAP’s Slander (continued in excerpts)

Most of New York’s leading Black political personalities have been the victims of NAP’s vicious brand of slander and attack. Manhattan Borough President David Dinkins has been labeled “a party hack,” Congressman Major Owens and State Representative Roger Green, both of Brooklyn, has also been victimized.

The NAP has also tagged the Rev. Jesse Jackson as a “Democratic Party hack” who is unwilling to go the independent political rout so as not to offend his “white bosses,” The attack on Jackson came when he first ran for president in 1984. But when the Jackson movement caught on, Newman and NAP changed their tune and adopted the early version of their “Two Roads Are Better than One,” the alleged theoretical basis for NAP’s 1988 campaign of Lenora Fulani. That tactic is to declare support for Jackson in the primaries, on the assumption that he will not be nominated. The NAP then hopes to rope Jackson supporters into their campaign in the November elections.

Newman wrote back in 1983 that “Jackson has preached and politicked his way into national prominence over the past fifteen years with a combination of watered-down (read: just barely acceptable to whites) nationalism, heavy duty black capitalism and its traditional U.S. ideological accompaniment, rugged individualism.” (The New York Alliance, Aug. 29, 1983.)

Newman went on to add in the same article that “The concern of many is that Jackson is really more of a ‘pusher’ for himself and (italics in original) the Democratic Party than he is for Blacks. Now, although I think it is all too easy to be cynical and critical, I would be less than candid if I didn’t say I have some serious doubts about Jackson.”

Now that the Jackson campaign has developed such a broad base in the Afro-American community, in the trade union movement and other people’s movements and among the electorate at large, the NAP is trying to hang on to the coattails of the Rainbow movement. Hence its attempts to misappropriate the “Rainbow” name.

They have even gone as far as to “doctor” photos in the National Alliance to make it appear as if Fulani and Jackson have shared the same platform.

The above expose on the New Alliance Party is reprinted from
“The New Alliance Party; ‘Cult’-like’ organization disrupts and divides” By Romulo Fajardo, People’s Daily World, May 19, 1988